NEWS CENTER - Fuat Ali Rıza said the framework law gives the parties an opportunity to engage in politics and pursue political struggle adding: “Without this law, there would be no opportunity to engage in politics; and without the opportunity to engage in politics, war would come back onto the agenda. Therefore, those who completely reject this law are the ones who want war, or more accurately, those who profit from war."

 

Fuat Ali Rıza, a columnist for Yeni Özgür Politika, discussed the framework law, which was brought before Parliament and subsequently enacted, as well as the August 15 Initiative, in his column today. Fuat Ali Rıza said that what happened 42 years ago and the present day complement one another, stressing that as a new process is now being embarked upon through the “framework law,” it is important to approach it with the same sense of meaning and excitement that characterized what happened 42 years ago.

 

The full text of the column published in the newspaper is as follows:

 

“The 'Law on Strengthening National Solidarity and Social Integration,' referred to as the 'foundational law' or 'framework law,' passed the Parliament’s Justice Committee following intense debate. It is clear that similar debates will continue in the General Assembly before the bill is ultimately passed into law. Thus, the century-long Kurdish struggle for existence and freedom will have been moved from the gallows to the framework of a law.

 

It is very clear that this law is specifically a law concerning the PKK. Undoubtedly, the law does not in itself constitute an outcome; that is, it does not bring about the democratization of Turkey or a resolution to the Kurdish issue.For this reason, it is facing extensive and intense criticism from various quarters. If that is indeed its position, then what is the meaning and significance of this law? The answer to this question is as follows: The law in question gives the parties an opportunity to engage in politics and pursue political struggle. This means that without the law, there would be no opportunity to engage in politics; and without the opportunity to engage in politics, war would come back onto the agenda. Therefore, those who completely reject this law are those who want war or, more accurately, those who profit from war.

 

We can categorize the approaches to the law into three groups: 

 

*Those who embrace and accept the law as it stands. These are circles within the state and the ruling establishment, as they themselves drafted the law and submitted it to Parliament. It is important to correct a misconception. Certain statements and media reports have created the impression that the law in question was drafted in İmralı and that Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan had accepted the law as it stands. Clearly, this is not the case. Leader Abdullah Öcalan considered the enactment of such a law to be of historic significance, but he did not accept the law as it stands. Many of Leader Abdullah Öcalan’s views and proposals were not incorporated into the law. The law was drafted by the AKP-MHP alliance.

 

*Those who view the passage of the law as important, while also considering it flawed and inadequate in many respects and criticizing it accordingly. The Kurdish Freedom Movement, along with many left-wing and democratic circles, has criticized the law at every stage and put forward their views and proposals. It was pointed out, first and foremost, that the law could not be implemented on its own and would need to be complemented by a number of further laws aimed at advancing democratization. It has been stated that the time has come to struggle for the adoption of laws of this kind. In other words, they have viewed the law in question as opening the way for political and legal struggle and have therefore attached importance to it. They have described this development as a ‘new beginning’ and ‘opening the door.’

 

*Those who completely reject the law. Fascist circles such as the İyi Party and the Victory Party, as well as certain social-nationalist circles, fall into this category. It appears that there are also quite a few other groups in this category that have not openly revealed their position. These are, in most accurate sense, ‘profiteering’ circles; forces that derive profit and benefit from the Kurds’ wars with states in the region, particularly Turkey. There are many such forces within Turkey, as well as across the region and around the world. 

 

Given its significance, it is worth reiterating a point made above: those who completely reject the ‘framework law’ passed by Parliament today are those who want war. They are those who want the 100-year war between the Kurds and the Turkish Republic, the 41-year war between the PKK and the Turkish Republic, and the 200-year war between the Kurds and the Ottoman and Turkish states to continue. Even if the current law were to have no other significance, it does represent an effort to bring the state of war to an end. It is a consequence of all these periods of war and conflict. In this regard, it is important, at the very least, to properly understand its connection to the most recent war involving the PKK.

 

It is worth noting that, here in August 2026, efforts are being made to reach an agreement aimed at bringing a war to an end and to enact legislation that would make this possible. When did this war begin? Quite clearly, it began 42 years ago, also in August. The war in question began on August 15, 1984, with actions carried out by PKK guerrillas in Eruh and Şemdinli. Today, in August 2026, as efforts are being made in Parliament to pass legislation, 42 years ago, PKK guerrillas were likewise working in the mountains to carry out actions against the fascist military regime imposed following the September 12 coup.Those who fail to recognize this reality, and who cannot grasp the significance and meaning of the guerrilla struggle that emerged against the September 12 regime, are likewise unable to understand the efforts being made today to bring the war to an end.

 

In short, understanding the present correctly requires understanding what happened 42 years ago. In other words, had the guerrilla resistance against the fascist military regime of September 12 not begun on August 15, 1984, and had it not continued for 41 years, the adoption of the law in question would not be on the agenda today. There would have been no Kurdish or democratic presence to necessitate such a law. The September 12 fascist, denialist regime would have dominated everything, leaving no room for Kurdish existence or the pursuit of democracy. In other words, everything that exists today in terms of Kurdish existence and democracy in Turkey was either created by, represented and developed through the August 15, 1984 Guerrilla Resistance.

 

Therefore, understanding the present and the “framework law” that has been adopted requires understanding the August 15, 1984 Guerrilla Initiative. In other words, without the August 15 Guerrilla Initiative, there would be no new beginning today through the “framework law.” Just as the “framework law” is regarded by many circles as a new beginning for Turkish politics, the August 15, 1984 Initiative was likewise a new beginning for Kurdish existence and democracy in Turkey.

 

It is clear that the August 15 Guerrilla Initiative, launched under the conditions of the September 12 coup regime, was a timely and appropriate step. Had its requirements also been carried out in practice in the proper manner and with the appropriate approach, its outcomes would undoubtedly have been very different from what they are today. Due to the well-known shortcomings of those involved, the initiative was not carried out in practice in accordance with its ideological and strategic objectives. This meant that its results fell short of what was needed and that it failed to produce the necessary solutions. However, the shortcomings in its implementation do not in any way diminish the historic significance and importance of the step that was taken.

 

Indeed, it is precisely because of this historical significance and importance that resolving the Kurdish issue and democratizing Turkey are now at the top of the political agenda. If the August 15 Guerrilla Resistance is properly understood and its lessons are correctly drawn, then the legal steps being taken today can also be properly understood and their requirements successfully implemented in practice. All socialist and democratic forces, particularly the Kurds, need to fully grasp this reality in all its dimensions. 

 

In particular, women and young people, the Kurdish people and their friends across the four parts of Kurdistan and abroad, must fully grasp this reality. It is essential to do so without leaving room for any misunderstanding or incomplete understanding, because correctly understanding the present and successfully carrying out the tasks of the struggle depends on this. For this reason, on the 42nd anniversary, it is necessary both to celebrate the August 15 Revolutionary Guerrilla Initiative everywhere and with great enthusiasm, and to engage in deep reflection and questioning in order to fully grasp its rich lessons.  The events of 42 years ago and the present day are deeply connected. As we now move toward a new process through the 'framework law,' it is important to do so with the same sense of purpose and excitement that characterized what happened 42 years ago. On this basis, we commemorate with respect and gratitude the heroic martyrs of the August 15 Initiative and celebrate the Festival of Resurrection and Resistance.”